Trustgate, Presidential Legal Expense Trust established by private trustees on behalf of Bill and Hillary Clinton, Illegal scheme unlawfully soliciting and/or receiving something of value in violation of US anti-bribery laws, December 1998

Trustgate, Presidential Legal Expense Trust established by private trustees on behalf of Bill and Hillary Clinton, Illegal scheme unlawfully soliciting and/or receiving something of value in violation of US anti-bribery laws, December 1998
"IMPEACHMENT OF PRESIDENT WILLIAM JEFFERSON CLINTON __________ THE EVIDENTIARY RECORD PURSUANT TO S. RES. 16 VOLUME VII Transcript of October 5, 1998 presentations of David Schippers and Abbe Lowell, and debate on H. Res. 581, beginning an impeachment inquiry. Committee Print, Ser. No. 8, December 1998"
"Mr. Barr. Mr. Chairman, I also ask unanimous consent to insert the Judicial Watch Interim Report dated September 28, 1998. Mr. Hyde. Without objection."
"Judicial Watch Interim Report on Crimes and Other Offenses Committed by President Bill Clinton Warranting His Impeachment and Removal from Elected Office" "part iv TRUST-GATE Crimes and Other Offenses Relating to The Presidential Legal Expense Trust that Warrant Impeachment and Removal from Office of President Bill Clinton The Presidential Legal Expense Trust (the ``Trust'') was established by private trustees on behalf of Bill and Hillary Clinton in June 1994.(404) It was allegedly established to pay the President's legal fees incurred in defending against the numerous scandals of his Administration, as well as the private litigation brought against him, i.e., the Paula Jones lawsuit. In fact, the Trust was an illegal scheme, unlawfully soliciting and/or receiving something of value for the President, which violated the anti-bribery laws of the United States. Indeed, members of Congress have recognized the ``grave legal and ethical questions'' raised by the President's Trust.(405) In so doing, they pointed to the sweeping prohibition in 5 U.S.C. Sec. 7353(a), which states that: [N]o Member of Congress or officer or employee of the executive, legislative, or judicial branch shall solicit or accept anything of value. . . .(406) They also noted that the implementing regulations carrying this prohibition into effect make the point even clearer.(407) Those regulations address the standards of ethical conduct for employees of the Executive Branch, and state that ``an employee shall not, directly or indirectly, solicit or accept a gift.'' (408) According to Congressman Cox and Congresswoman Pryce, ``[i]t would be difficult to draft a clearer prohibition.'' (409) It was also quite clear to most commentators at the time, including Paul Gigot, that influence peddlers would use the opportunity to effectively bribe the President and Mrs. Clinton: Now that President and Mrs. Clinton have established their Legal Expense Trust, I'm thinking about writing a check for $500. Since Mr. Clinton we will be informed of my gift, maybe I'll get that interview he's somehow always resisted. Come to think of it, if I doubled by gift to $1,000, maybe I'll get Hillary too. * * * * * Indeed, that's why Congress passed a law (5 U.S. Code 7363) that says executive branch officials can't ``solicit or accept'' gifts from people whose interests they might affect. In view of this ban, I asked a senior White House official for the defense fund's legal rationale. * * * * * All of this goes beyond law to the power and conduct of the presidency. By so blithely ignoring the law, the Clinton White House has again shown how easily it will cut ethical corners. And by begging for money, it undermines the president's credibility and demeans his office. Which is why someone else should try to restore presidential dignity. First someone could sue to test the legality of the defense fund.(410) On August 4, 1994, Judicial Watch brought suit challenging the Trust, creatively alleging that the actions of the trustees, in providing advice to the President and Mrs. Clinton on the workings of the Trust, were tantamount to a federal advisory committee, and thus either needed to be completely open to public scrutiny, or shut down.(411) Because the trustees chose not to make the Trust's operations public, Judicial Watch pressed its case to a conclusion. While finding that the Trust was not subject to the Federal Advisory Committee Act (412) because it was a private, not governmental, activity, the Honorable Royce C. Lamberth of the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia ruled that it nevertheless raised ``major public policy, legal and ethical questions,'' which he could not reach under his jurisdiction.(413) Ironically, by finding the Trust to be a private activity, the Court effectively ``indicted'' it, as his ruling thrust it into the realm of criminal activity. Consequently, Judicial Watch requested that Attorney General Reno investigate the matter and appoint an independent counsel. She refused to do so.(414) It was later discovered, as predicted, that the Trust was indeed a convenient conduit for attempted bribery. It eventually became known to the public that hundreds of thousands of dollars were being laundered into its accounts by Charlie Trie, money which came from foreign, possibly Communist Chinese sources.(415) As a result, the Trust was closed as of January 1, 1998.(416) However, a few weeks later on February 17, 1998, a new Trust was established, which is even more illegal than the first.(417) The Office of Government Ethics (an office that serves at the pleasure of the White House) found that the first Trust could receive but not solicit; the second Trust now solicits as well.(418) Indeed, a number of fat-cat donors, including Hollywood moguls such as Steven Spielberg and Barbara Streisand, have pumped huge amounts of cash into the operation.(419) It is undoubtedly only a matter of time until it is again revealed that influence peddlers, such as Charlie Trie and his Chinese benefactors, have found a new way to infiltrate the second Trust. Indeed, at the time that Charlie Trie was laundering Chinese money into the first Trust, he was also seeking and obtaining confidential communications from the President, undoubtedly for his Chinese benefactors, about American intentions over the then-brewing international crisis in the Straits of Taiwan.(420) That these defense funds were simply an illegal means to raise money through influence peddlers, and not a genuine attempt to pay the President's legal bills, was even conceded by presidential adviser Dick Morris, who correctly questioned why Bill and Hillary Clinton could not simply take out bank loans at market rates, and pay the loans back after they left office. Then, they will obviously benefit from multimillion dollar book deals, speaking engagements, and others sources of income, which will make them wealthy beyond expectations. Last Sunday, The Washington Post reported Clinton's chief fundraiser, Terrence McAuliffe (who also participated, according to Nolanda Hill, in the illegal sale of seats on Commerce Department trade missions) has been enlisted to raise more illegal funds to pay a possible settlement in the Paula Jones lawsuit.(421) The President's ``chutzpah'' and penchant for being bought by illegal influence peddlers apparently knows no limits. The legal defense funds of the Clintons are tantamount to a violation of the bribery provision of Section 4, Article 2 of the U.S. Constitution, which states: Section 4_All civil offices forfeited for certain crimes The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors. ``Bribery'' is: The offering, giving, receiving, or soliciting of any thing of value to influence action as official or in discharge of legal or public duty. Black's Law Dictionary 239 (rev. 4th ed. 1968). The President has unlawfully solicited and received enormous sums of money and other things of value from persons who obviously want something in return. This is simply illegal." https://www.gpo.gov/fdsys/pkg/GPO-CDOC-106sdoc3/html/GPO-CDOC-106sdoc3-7.htm
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